School Personnel, Conspiracy Theories, & Child Welfare

School Personnel, Conspiracy Theories, & Child Welfare
Christine Priola, OT, on the right in the Vice President’s Office of the Senate during the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the Capitol in Washington, DC

On January 6, 2021, a group of people, radicalized by false propaganda generated by the 45th President of the United States and his co-conspirators, attacked the United States Capitol with the intent to kidnap and/or murder members of Congress and the Vice President. This is an event that will live in infamy for so long as America remains a nation, and be blamed for it if it does not.

I’ve been working in special education advocacy, helping parents protect their children with disabilities from physical, emotional, and educational abuse/neglect by the public sector, primarily the public school system, since 1991. By now, you would think there’s nothing new for me to see when it comes to all the ways that adults can do wrong by those among us with disabilities. Clearly, I was wrong.

These recent events at the national level have left me with a whole new set of concerns that I believe are important to talk about, right now. Not the least of these concerns is the fact that a profoundly mentally ill president, along with his pathologically self-serving sycophants, exploited the suffering of some Americans with mental illness and the unfounded sense of entitlement experienced by other Americans with mental illness.

In the end, it’s a bunch of people with mental health issues frenzying like piranha at the smell of blood in the water and taking down the rest of us with them. The inmates are literally running the asylum, right now, and the survival of us all rests on the shoulders of those of us intact enough to realize what is happening, and equipped to deal with it.

For the last 30 years, it’s been my observation – and one I’ve repeatedly shared – that there are individuals employed within the public education system who believe children with disabilities are expendable and unimportant. In a sea of deprived students in general, special education students are uniquely further deprived because of their disabilities.

It’s been my observation that these individuals see their constituents – in this case, our children – as a means to their own personal financial ends, and nothing more. When the costs of educating these constituents increases due to disability, they become a hated burden to those looking to profit off them.

It’s not like the public education system is doing that great by any of our kids, right now. It’s just that problems that impact education in general tend to have a magnified effect on our kids with special needs. Public school officials will say things like, “My heart is bleeding for your child. I wish there was something I could do,” when there’s totally something they could do. They just don’t want to pay for it, which is unlawful.

Special education laws would have not become necessary back in the 1970s if it were not for the fact that people who do not believe in science or law were already employed in positions of authority within the public education system and engaging in unconstitutional conduct towards children with disabilities at that time. The public schools would refuse to enroll these students at all or, even if they did, let them languish in general education classes until they dropped out.

In spite of compulsory education laws, back in the day, it was totally okay to drop out of school if you couldn’t keep up with the instruction and nobody would come after you for truancy. This was what happened to a lot of people with relatively mild challenges, like learning disabilities, who ended up reaching adulthood functionally illiterate and unable to find gainful employment except as factory workers, coal miners, and all the other dangerous jobs that don’t require academic skills, in spite of their normal intelligence.

I provided adult literacy instruction to this population at a local vocational/technical college as a young adult in Arkansas. I’ve met these people. I’ve seen this play out, first hand.

This has led to a class of individuals who have increasingly lost the ability to support themselves, as robots take over dangerous jobs that don’t require real thinking. While the laws that passed in the 1970s were the right place to start, it’s foolish to think that enough has changed since then that the system isn’t still biased against kids with special needs. If things had changed, I’d have worked myself out of a job a long time ago.

The public education system is biased against any kid who isn’t white, male, and expected to inherit property upon reaching age of majority. It was created in its present form during the Industrial Revolution and hasn’t changed much since.

For the longest time, public education agency administration was male dominated while the teaching staffs were female dominated, putting men in authoritarian control over women employees. Teachers unions grew out of the very real discrimination and abuse of women in the public education workplace by their male “superiors” around the same time that unions gained popularity among the laborers working ot inher dangerous jobs in factories and mines.

Students, however, have no collective bargaining power. Even though they are the reason the system exists, they are the last individuals served by it. They get whatever leftovers are left after public agency administrators bleed their agencies dry with undeserved six-figure annual salaries while teachers are buying classroom supplies with their own money. Students are just an excuse for politicians to pay themselves.

So, the idea that discrimination and abuse do not manifest in the public education sector is plainly inaccurate. There are mountains of evidence to the contrary, my caseload being only one such mountain. The judicial and legislative history of special education law is not the total point, here, but it’s relevant in that it establishes that bad actors in public education have made it necessary to regulate public education to control for their inappropriate behaviors.

The evidence of bad faith in public education has been documented in the courts long enough that I don’t have argue it, here. That’s a done deal. So, when someone tells me they are worried about child welfare at the hands of government officials, I have to say, “Me too! That’s why I’m a child and family advocate.”

However, now when someone tells me they are worried about pedophiles in public education, I have to do a double-take and ask, “Why?” That’s only because of the whacky Q-Anon and similar conspiracy theories, now going around about Satanic cannibals molesting and trafficking children.

It’s not that human trafficking isn’t real or horrible. It’s that there is zero proof that it’s being perpetrated by the people these conspiracy theorists are targeting.

There is proof, however, that the 45th President was pals with a known, convicted pedophile and wished this pedophile’s co-conspirator well when she, too, got arrested. He’s also been accusing of raping a 13-year-old who was made available to him by this same duo of pedophiles, but these conspiracy theorists are not going after him. They think he is the champion of their cause, which defies logic in every possible way.

Even if the allegations of child rape cannot be sustained against #45, he’s sexually assaulted plenty of women and bragged about it on the record. How he’s become the champion of a human rights cause given his history of sexual assault and his policies regarding the children of lawful asylum-seekers at our borders is beyond me.

We have all seen news stories of the occasional teacher, aide, specialist, or administrator who gets busted for sexual relations with their students. It’s not that pedophiles are not employed within public education; we know some have slipped in and we do a poor job of screening them out, often only finding them after the harm has been done.

The more important point is that a ring of cannibalistic pedophiles do not run public education. The average school district administrator doesn’t come anywhere near actual children. They don’t appear to care for the company of children; they just want to exploit them for public dollars.

While I don’t doubt that there are people employed in public education administration who would gladly traffic in humans if they thought they could turn a profit and get away with it, that’s a whole lot of work to make happen within the public education system and not get exposed. It’s easier to milk the broken system as it is without taking on that risk. They can get rich by lazier means than selling their students into slavery.

As soon as someone gets caught engaging in pedaphilia with students in the public education setting, most school districts are the ones that call the cops. If school district administrators come to an accused educator’s defense, it’s either because the educator was wrongfully accused or because the administrators don’t want to be held accountable for the fact that they let a pedophile come work for their public education agency, so they’re trying to convince everyone that they didn’t.

It’s not that public education isn’t being run by a pack of corrupt jackals. By and large, like local police departments, local school districts get away with as much as they do because they only answer to their local constituents, most of whom don’t know how to monitor and audit a school district on an ongoing basis for compliance issues. Jackals are in gross abundance.

Even the most ethical educators can be corrupted once they are promoted into administration, and I suspect most of that is economics. Once they start getting that six-figure annual salary, they start buying nice houses and cars, putting their kids through college, and going on expensive vacations. That quickly creates debt.

If you have a six-figure income, you can pay that debt, but if you lose that income and can’t replace it fast enough, you’re quickly screwed. This is how good educators get pulled into the Dark Side of the Force when they accept promotions into administration. It’s the rare pure soul that sees what’s really going on and refuses to be manipulated that way before it’s too late.

The overarching problems I see in public school administration are about money, not pedophilia or cannibalism. I’ve yet to encounter cannibalism, actually, but it’s only January 2021, so let’s see if this year tops last year for the most disgusting conduct to be revealed among public servants for the whole world to see.

What prompts me to discuss this, now, is the recent resignation of Christine Priola, an Occupational Therapist (OT) from Cleveland Metropolitan School District, one day before she participated in the January 6, 2021 insurrection against the American government. Ms. Priola occupied the Capitol building with other insurrectionists and was photographed in the Vice President’s office as part of the occupation.

In her resignation letter, Ms. Priola, who is currently out on bail pending trial, stated she was leaving her job as an OT for the District’s special education department for three specific reasons:

  • She refused to take the Corona virus vaccine before returning to in-person learning;
  • She disagreed with paying union dues because she believes that money is funding abortions; and
  • She’s embarking upon a fight against child trafficking by government agencies.

So, I’m going to pick these apart one by one, first, and then get into the rest of it.

First, it’s unclear if Ms. Priola is an anti-vaxer opposed to vaccines in general, is against the current Corona virus vaccine because it was rushed to market so quickly and she questions its safety and efficacy, or just resents being told she has to take a shot before she can go back to work. Maybe it’s a combination of those things.

We don’t know why she was opposed to the vaccine, so I can’t automatically lump her onto the science-denying anti-vaxer wagon with this limited amount of information, though her overall behaviors incline me to suspect that she could be an anti-vaxer. Because she’s an OT, which is a scientific discipline that functions within the medical and educational realms, I don’t want to assume too much, here. However, science is a fact-based discipline and Ms. Priola has not be operating according to facts.

When we look at her second objection, the total absence of logic casts an unfavorable light on the first objection, even further. How union dues, which pay for the administrative overhead of each union’s operations, somehow funds abortions makes no sense.

The district may withhold those dues from educators’ paychecks, but there is an audit trail that shows where that money goes. If you’re worried about where the money is going, you do a request for public records asking for the accounting details and turn them over to a grand jury if you find that the money is being misappropriated.

The rule of law already provides a remedy for the misuse of public funds. You don’t raid the Capitol with the intent of hanging the Vice President to death to resolve issues such as these.

The idea that the rule of law had collapsed to the point that it was ineffective cannot be argued, here. Ms. Priola did nothing on record to resolve the issue with where her union dues were going before resorting to the violent overthrow of the government and an effort to assassinate the Vice President.

The government already had a legal remedy that she chose not to access and the “remedy” she opted for instead did not fit the situation. This strongly suggests disordered thought. It also, however, goes to the degree to which legitimate remedies to harm done are often inaccessible to everyday Americans because they can’t afford to lawyer up every time the government shirks its responsibilities and hurts people. When the appropriate options are closed off to people, they are only left with the inappropriate ones.

This is where peaceful protests for changes to the rules become such an important part of democracy, none of which involves insurrection or execution. Insurrection as a more expedient option to litigation speaks to the degree to which the legal system is often unavailable to most people because of the associated costs, but it’s not a valid excuse for what Ms. Priola has done. Ease of access to remedy may have made it less likely that she wouldn’t have done something literally insane, but that’s speculative at this point.

The third justification for resigning given by Ms. Priola was that she’s embarking upon a fight to protect children from abuses by government employees. On it’s face, I can’t take issue with that because I’ve been fighting to protect children with disabilities – the same students Ms. Priola served as an OT – from abuses within the public education system for the last 30 years.

Very often, though, I’m protecting them against people like Ms. Priola who are so divorced from science and, therefore, reality that they engage in violations that require me to file complaints with regulators. Again, the rule of law provides a remedy. The difference between Ms. Priola’s efforts to protect children and mine is that I use science and law to protect my babies. She’s trying to kill the members of Congress most likely to help her protect children from the real predators.

I’ve never had to violently overthrow a government agency or hang anybody to protect a child from government employees. Has the rule of law let my babies down, before? Yes, in hugely significant ways. Has the rule of law protected my babies when I’ve pursued enforcement of it? Yes, more often than it has not. It’s not a perfect system, but insurrection on behalf of the people responsible for undermining it is not going to fix anything.

And, it’s not like I haven’t seen evidence of child trafficking in government agencies. I have, just not in public education. Specifically, I’ve been working on a separate justice project with our organization’s founder, Nyanza, to address the egregious over-incarceration of African-Americans in Oklahoma that dovetails with what may be State-sponsored child trafficking.

Based on the publicly available research data we’ve gathered to date, it appears there may be an orchestrated mechanism in place in which officials in the State of Oklahoma incarcerates people of color and remove their children from their homes through the Child Protective Services (CPS) system, only to place these children in privately owned foster care facilities and/or adoption agencies that operate for profit.

It appears that at least some of the foster care and adoption agencies in Oklahoma that participate in this dynamic are owned, at least in part, by State officials responsible for passing and enforcing the laws of Oklahoma, from which they profit. It should be noted that Oklahoma’s CPS system was found to have been responsible for the death, rape, and maiming of many children processed through this system via a federal class action lawsuit that resulted in a consent decree that is not being properly enforced.

CPS employees have come out as whistleblowers to advise that the “proof” of compliance with the consent decree is falsified information and Oklahoma isn’t taking this federal court consent decree as anything other than one more thing to lie about. It should also be noted that all of the individuals involved in these behaviors appear to be Republicans, or they were at the time the data we collected were gathered.

From what we’ve seen so far in our data, it appears that Oklahoma lawmakers and judges are incarcerating people so they can steal their children and sell them for profit. If true, that’s a legitimate State-sponsored human trafficking ring that needs to be shut down immediately. But, it isn’t a Satanic group of Hollywood actors and Democrats eating and raping children.

While this possible human trafficking ring has not been investigated as such to my knowledge, thus far, it’s one of those things that can’t last forever without someone getting caught. Nyanza and I are working to get enough evidence together to get the situation investigated, and she’s been filing documents this whole time, but that’s how you address these things. We are availing ourselves of the mechanisms of our imperfect, but better than anarchy, democracy to fix this heinous problem. Whatever is responsible for Oklahoma’s ridiculous incarceration and CPS numbers is a problem that needs to be fixed, regardless of what it is.

This is painful because we know of families suffering horribly because of what is currently happening until this gets resolved, but justice can take time. I’ve learned that lesson from 30 years of working cases from IEP meetings all the way up to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, and you don’t always win. But, you always make a difference, even when you lose on some technicality. I’ve had cases where we lost on an issue, but just barely. The involved districts knew the next time they pulled the same stunt, they wouldn’t necessarily get lucky again, and have changed their practices as a result.

What I’ve learned from relying on the rule of law to address failures of the system is that you have to look at things in the aggregate. It becomes a measure of how many things I’ve prevailed on versus how many things I have not, and I’ve prevailed on more things than I haven’t. Overall, my work is highly effective. On a day-by-day basis, it’s a mixture of resolution and being obstructed by law-breaking public servants.

You have to get to the point where you can identify when it’s time to negotiate and when it’s time to collect evidence and file a complaint of some kind. We have processes and procedures already to address all of the concerns raised by Ms. Priola’s resignation letter, none of which involve insurrection and execution of elected officials.

So, having said all that, now I have to turn to the issue of people who think like Ms. Priola who are still employed in public education. I first have to say that she may be in the minority, but we don’t know how large or small that minority is because they have not been outspoken within the public education context, thus far.

Further, because I have been dealing with disordered thought on the part of school district personnel that results in harm to children for the last 30 years, I’m willing to believe that people whose thinking is as impaired as Ms. Priola’s appears to be are still deeply rooted in special education, right now. Whether their disordered thought makes them vulnerable to Q-Anon and similar propaganda or not isn’t anything I can answer. But, Ms. Priola’s departure from science in spite of her scientific training is consistent with much of what I see in special education when things go wrong.

What this really comes down to is a concern that I’ve had for years and have spoken about with colleagues, but we haven’t really figured out the most appropriate way to address it. What is happening now and the national dialogue around it may have finally opened a door to deal with this issue, and that issue is the societal impact of having so many members of our population who are apparently incapable of logical thought when it comes to abstract concepts like justice, democracy, and fascism. And, it circles back around to the quality, or lack thereof, of our public education system.

One of the tools I regularly use, or request that it be used, in special education is a standardized assessment called the Southern California Ordinal Scales of Development (SCOSD). The history of what led to the SCOSD’s creation is a story unto itself, but suffice it to say that it is a scientific way of measuring all the different domains of development according to Piaget’s stages of development.

The SCOSD breaks development down by subtest into cognition, communication, adaptive abilities, social-affective functioning, and motor skills. It is possible for an individual to function at a higher developmental level in one area than other areas. Each person’s outcome on the measure paints a picture of their relative strengths and weaknesses across the developmental domains. When working with children and young adults with developmental disabilities, this becomes important to designing effective programs for each of them.

What I’ve come to realize from the data I’ve seen produced by the SCOSD over the years is that it is possible for someone to have age-typical cognitive and communication skills, but then have below age-typical social/emotional functioning. What this means is that their emotional development is delayed while their abilities to acquire academic and job skills are intact. They can emulate adult behavior, but their motivations are child-like because of their delayed social/emotional functioning.

When otherwise intelligent people get whipped up into an emotional frenzy over things not supported by any credible evidence, this disconnect between intelligence and social/emotional functioning is apparent. When otherwise intelligent people argue against evidence that they did something incorrectly, this same disconnect is again apparent.

This disconnect is what I’ve been fighting over the years more than anything else. Any reasonably intelligent and socially/emotionally intact person would not engage in the kinds of crap I encounter in the public education system. Most of what I encounter in the public education system is the consequence of ineptitude, not a cabal of cannibals.

If any kind of cabal exists in public education, it’s the same one currently running the American Presidency into the ground. All of this makes me think of the right-wing folks in Orange County, California, who started a non-profit membership organization, self-described as a “brotherhood,” of school district officials who would all pay membership dues and then use that money to finance legal battles against parents of children with disabilities.

It also makes me think of Lozano Smith, a law firm that infamously (within special education circles) got eviscerated by a federal court judge after trying to lie, cheat, and steal in a special education due process appeal. The firm, the responsible attorneys, and the district it was representing all got sanctioned for jerking everybody, especially the court, around with their lies.

All of the firm’s attorneys were ordered to participate in additional ethics training, in addition to the reprimand and sanctions meted out by the court. At the time, Lozano Smith had over 200 attorneys on staff statewide throughout California. Shortly thereafter, most of them jumped ship and went to different firms or started their own firms. It’s quite reminiscent of what we are seeing in Washington, DC, right now, as cabinet members and other high-ranking personnel turn their backs on the outgoing President in the wake of all the destruction and death he has caused.

Lozano Smith is still around, but I haven’t encountered them in the field in several years. The last big thing I saw from them was in 2013 when my colleague, David Grey, prevailed on a case at the 9th Circuit against two school districts engaging in the same violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). At least one of the involved districts filed an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, but it was shot down; the Supreme Court declined to try the case.

When the Supreme Court appeal was first filed, Lozano Smith, which had been uninvolved at that point, wrote an amicus brief that looked like something that could have been produced by Sidney Powell and Rudy Giuliani. It made nearly hysterical arguments about how the 9th Circuit’s interpretation of the ADA would undo decades of precedent within the public education system, as though decades of an established practice of discrimination should be maintained.

The point is that the conservative “fringe” has never been the “fringe.” To quote Stephen Colbert, “Lunatic fringe? There were tens of thousands of people in that murderous mob. The day after the riot, a poll found that 45% of Republican voters backed the attack on the capitol building. That’s not a fringe! That’s almost half the outfit! If you wore a suit that was 45% fringe, you’d be arrested for public indecency! But at least we’d be able to see through your pants to know you don’t have any balls!“

Based on how scholars look at the political spectrum, conservatives have gone further and further to the right towards radicalization as the left has remained predominantly centrist. The far right looks at centrist politics and mischaracterizes them as the “radical left.” Democracy is not the radical left.

Conservatism is no longer part of democracy in this country; it’s become a movement towards dictatorship in which 45% of the population believes it needs to be led by the nose by a demagogue. When left to think for themselves, these individuals run towards authoritarianism, thinking these leaders understand their needs and will fight for them, rather than exploit them to help take over and then kick them to the curb when they no longer serve a useful purpose.

It’s my suspicion that, once the people who participated in the insurrection realize that the 45th President will let them rot in jail for taking up his cause while he claims to have nothing to do with any of them, his base will finally get the backstabbing that has been coming their way this entire time and will realize he’s not in their corner like they thought. We can at least hope getting stabbed in the back will have this effect.

We’re going to have to watch the prosecuted go through this epiphany over time as we try each of their cases one by one. The stories we’re going to hear from these people are going to reveal legitimate unmet needs, impaired problem-solving skills, and exploitation of those factors by Republican terrorists looking to radicalize them.

Those of these defendants with the mental wherewithal to realize they’ve been played and the emotional stability to own it will turn on those who exploited them, as have many former allies of #45, such as Michael Cohen. Those who don’t have the emotional stability to own the fact that they made a mistake in judgment will continue to assert they’ve done nothing wrong and describe themselves as political prisoners rather than criminal insurrectionists and traitors.

In the minds of the insurrectionists, as they’ve reported themselves, they were responding to the call of their President to defend democracy. If that’s what you’re really doing, defending democracy isn’t bad. But democracy relies on the rule of law. You defend democracy by participating in it and putting its mechanisms into constructive use, not trying to overthrow it.

If our democracy is not working for all of the people – and people of color, indigenous people, LGBTQ+ people, women of all stripes, and people challenged by disability can attest that it has not for a very long time – we need to fix it. What boggles the mind is that now that groups made up mostly of white males in this country are finally beginning to experience the lack of undemocratic entitlement and advantage they’ve historically known, their response to advocate for themselves is to engage in insurrection. This means that what they want is nothing a true democracy would ever give them, and that tells you all you really need to know about them.

There is absolutely a silver lining in all of this, and I rely on Applied Behavioral Analysis (ABA) to inform that determination. In ABA, there is a term that I’ve discussed in previous posts called “Extinction Burst,” and that’s part of what we are looking at with the current state of things. In an Extinction Burst, a behavior that had previously been reinforced is no longer being reinforced, and the organism tries to force reinforcement to come by escalating its behavior.

Think of it this way: If, every day, you put money in a vending machine and a candy bar comes out, the candy bar reinforces the behavior of putting money into the machine. But if, one day, the candy bar gets stuck and won’t come out of the machine, what do we do? Walk away sad? No! We beat on the machine in an effort to make the candy bar dislodge and come out.

That’s an Extinction Burst. If the candy bar dislodges and comes out, it reinforces the behavior of beating up the machine. If beating the machine doesn’t work, then you walk away sad. After than, you’re less likely to use the machine again. If you stop using the machine altogether, the behavior of putting money into it becomes extinct.

What is happening in this country with the radicalized right is an Extinction Burst. Behaviors engaged in by the right wing that were previously reinforced are no longer being reinforced. The behaviors of the 45th President, his co-conspirators, and his followers over the last five years, leading up to January 6, 2021, and what may still yet happen as the 46th elected President takes office, have been an extended Extinction Burst.

The most important thing about an Extinction Burst when you’re trying to extinguish an inappropriate behavior is that you cannot allow it to produce the reinforcement being sought. If you want someone to give up on the candy machine, there can be no way to beat the machine until candy comes out.

We want the radical right to give up on trying to destroy democracy, so we cannot allow their behaviors to result in the reinforcement they are seeking, which, here, is to remain in power regardless of the will of the people. This includes holding them accountable according to the letter of the law. That’s what I’ve been doing in my niche of governmental accountability for the last 30 years and it’s the only way to preserve democracy going forward.

The other silver lining, here, is that in spite of all their efforts to overthrow democracy, it’s our democracy that will ultimately prevail. When we apply the rule of law to what they have done, democracy will have the opportunity to defend itself.

What saddens and scares me the most is the number of people whose developmental weaknesses and mental health conditions are being exploited by the right wing to radicalize them into becoming domestic terrorists while convincing them they are upholding American principles through their terrorism. When we talk about the mental health problems in this country, we tend to point to homelessness and addiction issues, like this is the only way they can hurt us.

As an advocate for people with disabilities, I am torn between being sad for and fearful of these individuals. On the one hand, we absolutely need to hold them accountable under the law. But, we prove the point that the system is skewed towards specific demographics when mentally ill right wing radicals suddenly get criminal consequences and nothing to address the real-world problems that they couldn’t solve that propelled them into radicalism.

In the end, once again, it’s people with disabilities being used as political pawns by self-serving, undeserving, overpaid public officials looking to line their own pockets with taxpayer dollars as part of a grift. This is something I know all too well in special education.

I’m willing to believe, in light of the evidence thus far, that decades of special education failures have produced an entire class of emotionally disturbed adults who are still vulnerable to the manipulations of public officials and that Ms. Priola and many of her compatriots are among them. I’m also willing to believe, in light of the evidence thus far, that the people manipulating them are just as mentally ill; they just have money and power.

I will never pretend to have all the answers, here, but I do know a thing or two that can help. All of us do. We need to weave our efforts together to repair the fabric of our country and make it stronger than it was in the first place. It’s not impossible. This country’s founding was far more difficult than its current preservation and we can do this.

Podcast Interview: Catherine Michael, Attorney at Law & Author

Catherine Michael, attorney & author

On November 4, 2020, I interviewed attorney and author, Catherine Michael, of Connell, Michael, Kerr, LLP, a special education law practice with offices in Indiana and Texas (https://cmklawfirm.com). Catherine’s book, The Exceptional Parent’s Guide to Special Education, will become available on December 1, 2020 and can be pre-ordered at https://amzn.to/38euWaD.

The following is the transcript from the interview (transcribed using Otter):

Anne Zachry 00:00

First of all, thank you so much for being on this podcast with me, I don’t get to interview folks very often, and it’s always fun when I get to. And it’s always very informative, because I think having all of us who do this kind of work, you know, talking these things through out loud, and just speaking to what’s going on and how we think that’s going to affect the the students that we work for, and the families that depend on us, I just think it’s a really constructive use of time. So I really appreciate you being here. If you could, just introduce yourself and give us just your background, your history of how you’ve come into this line of work and what it is that you do now.

Catherine Michael 00:33

Oh, yeah, absolutely. So, my name is Catherine Michael. I’m the managing partner of a law firm called Connell Michael Kerr. And we work in a multitude of states and have attorneys licensed in in several states as well. And what I do is, and for the past 20 years, I’ve worked in education, law or representation of children. And, and a lot of that involves filing educational due process cases against schools, personal injury, tort actions against schools, and sometimes group homes, residential facilities, and also advocating for children with special needs, for instance, the legislatures in several states, and at a national level. And, you know, I got into this line of work. My background had been in hospital risk management. And I got into this, because we were seeing a lot of children who had really substantial issues, whether they had a diagnosis of cancer, and we’re now getting cranial radiation or having a tumor removed. And we saw how uncooperative schools were. And back then it was really quite shocking to me that we would find a school district who wouldn’t want to provide a child a homebound program or a school district that would claim that cancer is not a disability, and this child doesn’t need to be eligible.

Anne Zachry 01:51

Oh, my gosh!

Catherine Michael 01:52

That was really – Right! That was really fascinating to me, because as someone who had not worked in education, at that point, and was working with hospital systems, that was really shocking, because I think all of us believe that our procedures, tools are supposed to be very pro child, they are there to ensure educational services for children. And, you know, the first case I took was a child who had cancer, and was just really, really surprised how hard it was to get that young man a program. And thereafter started taking cases involving children who had learning disabilities, and really finding how substantial a need this was. And it had a snowball effect and has kept me in it to this day.

Anne Zachry 02:36

Well, yeah. And a lot of us come into this, who are professionals from these paths where we encounter these challenges. And we’re like, “Wait a minute, what?” And then we see how the system is constructed, how it’s been designed, and what the rules actually are. And so I would imagine coming from a medical scenario, I mean, in the medical realm, you bought insurance billing rules, and all those kinds of things until there’s somewhat of a similarity in that you’ve got this compliance standard that has to be met, in order for things to happen. And when you look at what those rules are in special education, and, you know, and you understand what the intent may have been. But then, and you and I spoke briefly of this before we started the interview, that enforcement is really the question here. So if you could speak about that, that would be …

Catherine Michael 03:29

Yeah, enforcement is a huge issue. And I think that because there is so little enforcement of the laws on the books, we’ve have found that basically schools have run amok. And so for parents who are listening, the main law is the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, and that is a federal law, which means that every state has to follow it. They can’t have a state law that restricts any of the rights under a federal law. And every state in the United States has basically what we call “codified” that law into their own state laws, the only thing that they can do is add additional rights for parents. For instance, the state of Michigan actually extended how long the student can be in special ed. So it is age 22 under the federal law. Michigan made it 26. Other states change, for instance, when a parent requests an independent educational evaluation. California, basically has that if a parent request an independent educational evaluation, that the school gets a reasonable time to respond. Other states like Indiana say a school has to respond within 10 days. So there’s some of these minor changes in the law that are that are supposed to in some states like Indiana or Michigan, give those parents additional rights. But also the way these laws are designed, is that the only enforcers of them are parents. That means the parents are basically their own private attorneys general; that parents are the equivalent of the cops on the road with the radar to catch the speeding cars. Your State Department of Education is not going to be looking over your child’s IEP and saying, “Wow, your child has a lot of issues and they only have one goal,” or “They’re not receiving any direct speech services,” or “They’re not receiving any direct special educational services,” or “Your child shouldn’t be in a special education room all day long; that there’s something called the ‘least restrictive environment,’ which says we need, to the maximum extent we can, have them with their general education peers.’ So what I think a lot of parents don’t realize is, your State Department of Education isn’t doing that. Your federal Department of Education isn’t doing that. No one has that obligation to enforce these laws, other than the parent bringing a private action called an educational due process complaint. So schools have all of these laws under IDEA. And just to give, you know, for parent, I’m sure if if you’re listening to this podcast, you probably have a basic overview of it. But IDEA has requirements for what’s called a free appropriate education. And that basically encompasses that your child is going to have an IEP, that has challenging ambitious goals, in light of their circumstances, that has related services. Related services would be counseling, social work services, parent training, speech therapy, occupational therapy, physical therapy. The least restrictive environment: That if your child needs a one on one aide in order to be in a general education environment, they’re supposed to do that versus moving your child to a resource room. If your child needs a therapeutic day placement or residential placement, that’s also to be provided by the school. There are all sorts of procedural safeguards. If a school refuses your request, let’s say for a one on one aide, or a specialized program for dyslexia, they actually have to provide you written notice saying what data they’re relying upon to deny this, everything they’ve considered, and they have to provide this to you in writing. So there are all these laws on the books, okay. And regardless of where you live, when we say IDEA, it’s that federal law, this applies to you, and it applies to your child in a public school. And as you know, going back again, but the only enforcer of this law, the only enforcer who can actually call a school to tap on it is you as a parent and that mechanism, as I said a second ago, it’s what’s called an educational due process complaint. And that’s a complaint that is filed with your State Department of Education, a state appoints a hearing officer to determine if that program is in place. And you know, something we discussed before we started as well is that most parents have no idea that they have these rights. And that most of these laws are right now not being enforced. There are some states where there is less than one due process case a year. So when schools are developing these IEPs, being that there’s no real enforcement mechanism, other than in some states like the timeline, they have to have it a yearly meeting, we’re seeing really horrible consequences of that, I think across the states.

Anne Zachry 08:27

Well and then now that with school closures and shutdowns, that certainly hasn’t improved things at all. And so what are you seeing?

Catherine Michael 08:36

It hasn’t.

Anne Zachry 08:36

What are you seeing now, that’s different than before the shutdown started?

Catherine Michael 08:40

I think the biggest problem I’m seeing is a complete lack of services. And that is where school districts, for instance, that have gone entirely virtual, have students who are just not able to access the services, they may be so cognitively impaired, they’re not able to do a computer program

Anne Zachry 09:01

Right.

Catherine Michael 09:01

In some of those cases, I’m seeing schools basically just throw up their hands and say, “Well, you know, when we come up with a program, we’ll let you know.” And that’s really contrary to law. And there are a lot of things that parents need to be doing right now. That is one of the biggest problems. The other one is where parents whose children are getting, for instance, speech therapy. The school’s saying, “Sorry, we can’t provide that right now.” And in fact, they really can. I mean, virtual speech therapy has been done for years and it’s something that should be being done.

Anne Zachry 09:35

Right.

Catherine Michael 09:36

And then lastly, I mean, we’re seeing schools where kids are coming back to school, but we’ll have a school that that, you know, I think for good reason has a mask mandate, but they don’t understand that there are clearly going to be children who cannot wear masks, right?

Anne Zachry 09:52

Right.

Catherine Michael 09:52

They are too cognitively impaired or they have really significant health issues. And I’ve definitely seen a lot of those issues crop up, which is really quite shocking to me. Because some of these situations, you know, quite honestly, when we look at a child who for instance, has a tube down their throat, the fact that a school would even argue with a parent as to whether they’re going to try and put a mask on this child is shocking.

Anne Zachry 10:21

Right.

Catherine Michael 10:21

They’ll tell a parent that a child can’t come to school. So that I think has been another one of the really big issues.

Anne Zachry 10:28

Yeah. And we’ve what we’ve run into out here in California is it’s hit or miss, it depends on the school district as to whether they’re going to do the right thing or not. And but we have some school districts that are just flat out refusing to do any in-person services at all, under any circumstances, even though we have the governor’s order that came out in April that said that any student that required in-person services in order to continue to learn and to receive educational benefits, just as a matter of FAPE, that those in-person services still had to be provided and the people who would do it would be considered essential infrastructure workers. But we have districts saying that, “Oh, no, there’s something else that came out in July that says we don’t have to do that.” And it doesn’t say that at all. And so they’re just waiting until they get court ordered to actually do it before they’ll comply. They’re waiting for somebody to pull that trigger. They’re not willing to assume the risk. It’s a risk management decision. They don’t want to assume the liability of choosing to do it, and then have somebody gets sick and say, “You made me go to work, and then then I got COVID.” And then they’re going to turn around and sue the school district as the employer. And so what we’re seeing is that a lot of it has to do with human resources issues, and unionized employees and, you know, rightfully insisting on safe ways of getting things done, and satisfaction not being achieved at that level, which then impairs the system’s ability to carry out its mandate, because the workers it relies upon, there’s no agreement as to how they’re going to do it. Until they get court ordered, they’re just not gonna. And so that’s what we’re seeing out here. And it’s weird. And I’ve also got OCR complaints and state compliance complaints as well pending because the due process system is now so flooded that, you know, the attorneys I work with can’t file anything new until March. And so it’s like, Okay, well, we got to find other avenues to still somehow enforce all of this and a compliance investigation, or an OCR investigation has a 60 day timeline. So at least that’s something.

Catherine Michael 12:27

Yeah, well, and I think that is, again, part of the big problem, here. It’s just when we have schools that they know that the consequences to them are going to be really minimal, that’s why we’ll often see them wait for court orders versus getting creative. So when I say getting creative, we’re seeing two are not able to serve, for instance, cognitively impaired kids, they have problems where they are not able to get the personnel in and not keep them safe. They can actually pay for a private therapeutic day placement, they can offer a parent sort of what we would call a continuum of services and placements …

Anne Zachry 13:02

Right.

Catherine Michael 13:03

… which is one of the requirements of federal law. And they can actually say to a parent, look, we do not have the infrastructure right now, or we don’t have the ability to serve this child, here are four or five private placements that we can contract with, if that’s something you’re interested in. So and we see that happen in some places, and we don’t see it happen in others.

Anne Zachry 13:22

We’re seeing that also with non-public agencies being able to provide in-home services like behavioral services.

Catherine Michael 13:28

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 13:28

Yeah, same thing.

Catherine Michael 13:30

Yeah, I’m actually a big fan of that happening. When I see school districts that are really willing to think outside of the box to say, “Well, we have an absolute obligation to serve these kids. How do we do it?” Right? Where they’re actually looking at it more along the lines of: “This is our job, this is our role, how do we perform it, even if we don’t have the personnel right now?”

Anne Zachry 13:52

Right.

Catherine Michael 13:52

And so when I, certainly when I see school districts going above and beyond like that, and situations where, you know, you can see how difficult it is. I mean, I’m looking at those districts and saying, you know, at least they’re making these attempts, but, you know, the, the problem we see over much of the country is school districts basically saying if a parent, if, after all this is done, brings a due process, our worst case scenario is we’re just going to have to provide compensatory education. So I’m seeing some school districts, really, you know, as I said a moment ago, not provide anything.

Anne Zachry 14:29

Right.

Catherine Michael 14:29

And so, you know, if you’re a parent who’s listening to this, and you’re saying, you know, my school district may be providing part of the program, or not any of it. I mean, the thing you need to be doing right now is documenting it.

Anne Zachry 14:41

Yes!

Catherine Michael 14:42

Because you are absolutely going to have a claim for those compensatory hours that your child should have been getting. So if your IEP had your child receiving 124 minutes a week of what we would call sort of direct special educational services like we would expect to see it you’re talking about a child with a specific learning disability, who is getting some of that one on one reading intervention or math intervention, those are the minutes that are going to be ordered. If you have a situation where your child’s not receiving that, or they were in a resource room, and we’re talking about full time special ed placement, they’re not able to access a computer, what you’re going to want to do is just really document those hours that you’re missing. Email the school, your child’s school, and ask, you know, again, if your child’s not receiving anything, what options are available? You know, if they don’t have the infrastructure, are they going to offer a private therapeutic day placement or a home based placement at this point? And that’s, you know, sending it for instance, a registered behavior technician, or if your child has autism, a BCBA, or you know, another individual who’s trained in that, you know, behavior modification into the home to work on the child’s behavioral goals, social skills goals, academic goals. What is the school able to do at this point? And you’re certainly going to want to ask those questions. And you’re going to want to push because, again, it’s their absolute duty to be providing this right now. To the extent that they are unable, there are rural areas where, you know, there are no ABA centers are out there …

Anne Zachry 16:14

Right.

Catherine Michael 16:15

… no spec ial day placements, there are no private placements, quite honestly. And we have schools that are saying, you know, “We don’t have enough staff,” you know? It’s really a very, very problematic situation for families in those places. And that’s where the parent just really needs to be documenting to the best extent they can you know, what skills their child is losing how many minutes that their child isn’t receiving, what they’re doing, any costs that they are right now incurring. Like for instance, for parents who are having to go out and buy educational items, these are all things that you’re going to want to keep track of as a parent so that as things return to normal, you can sit down initially with your school at an IEP meeting and say, we need to plan for the compensatory services, number one. Number two, here are the costs that I had to privately pay that I’m asking to be reimbursed for,

Anne Zachry 17:05

Right! Well, and I don’t know how other states are doing it, but in California, one of the things that we had a Senate bill pass over the summer, that now requires all IEPs to have a contingency plan and emergency plan for his schools shut down for emergency reasons for 10 or more days. And so now, and hindsight being 2020, obviously, that should something else ever arise, like another pandemic, or whatever that would, or, you know, a natural disaster that would require a school closure for 10 or more days, that there is already a backup plan of what to do for each kid …

Catherine Michael 17:40

Yes.

Anne Zachry 17:40

… on IEP. And so I don’t know that other states have codified anything like that. But California has. And I think that’s very valuable. And the same body of law that produced that I believe, also produced a requirement that there’s going to have to be an analysis of how much compensatory education every special ed kid in California is due, because it’s assumed that everybody will have suffered in some kind of way, and that everybody will have …

Catherine Michael 18:04

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 18:04

… lost services. And so it’s, the IEP teams are now legally beholden to calculate that, once things, you know, once the shutdown is over. That …

Catherine Michael 18:12

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 18:12

… varies from community to community. And I, we now have like, I’m in Ventura County, where districts are not intending to open until January, at the soonest. And then you know, you go down into other counties, and they’ve already got campuses partially opened down in Orange County. And so and some campuses are reopening for their most severely impacted students who desperately need that in-person support. And so the families have to sign all kinds of waivers and everything, but then they can go back and they’ve got all of these empty classrooms that they can spread everybody out. Because not it’s just a small number of students. And then those kids can get that individualized support. But that is like, you know, how much of this was working on social skills? And if they’re all spread apart, can we really do that? You know, and so it’s, it’s still the challenge of how do we work on the goals. And what I’ve seen too, is some kind of distance learning program where, you know, the parents are expected to be the one-on-one aide and help their students login. And they do some kind of something on the internet, but it doesn’t have anything to do with anybody’s goals. It’s just something to do. It’s just to give them a sense of routine in the absence of, you know, an actual plan, and then they get very confused. And then eventually, the goals get worked in because enough people you know, make a fuss about it, then it starts to happen. And now you switched everything up on them again. Now, the instruction is a whole new novel experience, and you’re transitioning them again, into something new that is unfamiliar. And so it just seems to me that it’s very disruptive. And it’s disheartening to see that there’s this little coordination. I mean, as many milestones have been achieved, and as many things that have been accomplished with making some of the system work, this piece of it falling down is a real disappointment, you know? And …

Catherine Michael 19:53

Yeah!

Anne Zachry 19:53

… and it’s disheartening, but I think that parents need to know that there are people like you and me out there who understand it, and we’re trying to fight it, we’re trying to help them. And it’s not a lost cause; that there is help out there. If you could share about your practice, once again, that would be very helpful.

Catherine Michael 20:12

Yeah, so my law firm is Connell, Michael, Kerr, and I am licensed in Michigan, Indiana, and Texas. And our website is www.cmklawfirm.com, and I also have recently, and I believe it’s due out either in December or January, I’m not sure on the date. But I do know that we’re having pre-orders. That’s the Exceptional Parent’s Guide to Special Education, where I basically have, you know, put all of my advice on how parents should navigate this system in one place. Everything that I go over with parents in consultations, how the process works, I’ve put that together and created that as a book. And so that will be due out, again, it’s either in December or January, but parents can get it through Amazon, Kindle, I believe Barnes and Noble, a couple of the others. But I know that should be available shortly. And I’ll send a link for that as well. (Note: It will become available on December 1, 2020, at https://amzn.to/38euWaD.)

Anne Zachry 21:08

Very cool. Yeah, we’ll include the link with our post so that people can access that. That’s a good thing to know.

Catherine Michael 21:14

Yeah. Because I, you know, I think the thing that parents need to remember is that they actually have power. When, you know, when I use the term, private attorney general, that parents are basically acting as though, you know, that is the main message I want to impart to families is that most accountability is going to come from families standing up together and saying,”No, we are entitled to appropriate services for our children,” and doing their research and coming to unders tand the system and asking for the things they’re supposed to be getting.

Anne Zachry 21:47

Right.

Catherine Michael 21:47

And it’s only by asking for it, and schools really being held accountable that we’re going going to see the system change. And I think a lot of parents, right, and this is all of us, right? It’s difficult to challenge people that we want to like us and parents often want the teachers to like them, they want school staff to like them. And most people who go into teaching are very, very good people, but they’re not taught the education laws, they’re not …

Anne Zachry 22:11

Exactly.

Catherine Michael 22:12

… in a lot of situations, we find, you know, teachers don’t know how to design the school for an IEP, they don’t … You know, I had a teacher in a due process hearing last week, they they didn’t know that parent training, or counseling could even be part of an IEP. So it’s really important for parents to take the horse by the reins, and learn how to navigate the system and start asking these things in a way that’s diplomatic and kind. But at the same time is assertive enough that your child is going to get what they need, because quite honestly, you are your child’s only advocate in the system.

Anne Zachry 22:48

Right.

Catherine Michael 22:48

And unless you’re asking for these things, the schools simply aren’t going to provide them. And in many, many situations,

Anne Zachry 22:55

it’s just a sad reality of it. But I mean, this also goes to the fact that in a democracy, we’re of the people, for the people, and by the people, and the parents are the people, the students are the people and we shouldn’t be afraid to take ownership of that responsibility. It’s what we all agreed we wanted to live under. That’s …

Catherine Michael 23:13

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 23:13

… the model we’ve chosen. And so I think, for me, what makes me upset most about the way it’s designed, it’s not just that it forces parents into litigation, because that’s what the rules require, in order to resolve the dispute. It’s the attitude that parents get from the school district personnel when they actually exercise that right. And the “How dare you?” and “Oh, you think you’re …” you know, whatever. And all of a sudden, the parent becomes the bad guy for simply exercising a right and following the rules, because that’s the only mechanism available to them, not because they want to. Nobody wants to do that. But if they do, you know, as someone who works with families, if somebody comes to me and says, “I cannot wait to go to court,” I’m like, “Well, okay, I hope you find somebody to help you with that, because it’s not going to be me,” You know, it’s that you shouldn’t be eager to go to court. It should be the last resort. And so when parents are forced into that corner, and that’s the only option they have left, and they exercise that right, and then they catch grief for it, like somehow they’re the bad guy, I think that’s what bothers me the most. Because it’s like you …

Catherine Michael 24:18

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 24:18

… said, you know, that the parents can be made out as, “Oh, they’re just this this disgruntled person and they just aren’t happy with anything. They’re sad about being the parent of a special needs child.” I’ve heard that one a lot. “They’re having a hard time coping and they they’re angry and they need someone to take it out on, so they’re suing the school district.” No, you broke the law and you harmed their child. That’s why they’re suing you. You know, it’s frustrating.

Catherine Michael 24:46

Yeah, and, to that end, like, I want, you know, schools as well as parents to I you know, I would so love if we could even stop thinking of due process as litigation or suing or something like that, because these parents cannot get damages under IDEA claims.

Anne Zachry 25:04

Exactly.

Catherine Michael 25:05

What you can get, right? You can recover your attorneys fees. But in these cases, I mean, if we look at them in their most simplistic nature, it’s simply the parents asking their state Department of Education to appoint an independent hearing officer to make a decision as to the appropriateness of their child’s program.

Anne Zachry 25:23

Right.

Catherine Michael 25:23

A parent doesn’t need, although I certainly wouldn’t recommend it, but a parent doesn’t need an attorney. So, you know, I will often hear from schools that, you know, this is the litigious parent who filed a suit. And I’m thinking, number one, this person hasn’t filed a suit against you. Right? A suit, you know, traditionally is a claim we would file in civil or federal court.

Anne Zachry 25:46

Right.

Catherine Michael 25:47

This is an administrative action that they filed with an administrative agency. It’s not even … so, and then we hear, you know, “a litigious parent.” Parent’s not asking for money, you know. They may be asking for what we call an “in lieu of FAPE” type of agreement where they can actually get the funds to place their child in an appropriate program.

Anne Zachry 26:05

Right.

Catherine Michael 26:06

But I think that is a mindset that we really need to have get schools over and also get parents again, thinking that if you have a problem with Social Security, or you had a problem with your child’s Medicaid, you file an administrative action to get that corrected. Right? You file with, you know, your federal Social Security office, “Here, I need to get this adjudicated,” or somebody who’s disabled. We don’t think about it the same way.

Anne Zachry 26:31

No, not at all.

Catherine Michael 26:32

I think if we could … right? And so to me, that has always been fascinating as somebody who does this, when, you know, I have one that’s in a hearing right now, where the, you know, the parents, quite honestly only asking for an appropriate IEP, and then assorted related services for her child. And now, you know, when the school’s attorney is speaking to us, they’re saying, you know, this is simply a litigious parent. And I’m thinking, you know, she’s not asking for a dollar.

Anne Zachry 27:00

Right.

Catherine Michael 27:00

Just write an appropriate program. So I really want to even reframe how parents think about these things. Again, schools are basically performing a government function.

Anne Zachry 27:14

Yep.

Catherine Michael 27:14

When we ask for the enforcement of these laws, it’s an administrative action. And you’re asking, you know, someone from your state simply to make that decision. Certainly, they can be appealed to federal court. And there’s all you know, all of the things that you and I often see.

Anne Zachry 27:31

Yeah. Which Yeah, I’ve gone all the way to the Ninth Circuit on some of these things and it’s just like, “Are you kidding me?” And something that you had said before we got started, as well as that how much money school districts are sometimes willing to throw in attorneys that they would never throw at services, I mean, hundreds of thousands of dollars in legal fees to fight over a $7500 education service.

Catherine Michael 27:50

Yeah. And you know, I’ve even seen that when a parent requests an independent educational evaluation. In most states, those can go for around $3500. Some states that we’re looking at California and New York, it can be higher. So I’ve seen schools go through an entire due process, arguing that their evaluation is appropriate, where they spent triple, quadruple, what it would have cost them to provide the parents the evaluation. And when you look at that, you’re really what you’re seeing is a school district saying, “We want to make this process so hard on parents that they don’t even bother to ask.” And they talk to their friends and they’re like, “Yeah, this is what happened.” And that’s not the role of a government entity, right? We shouldn’t have government entities making it so difficult for individuals to get their, you know, their legal rights met.

Anne Zachry 28:23

Right. Right.

Catherine Michael 28:38

They don’t even want to start that process. And that’s why I think it’s really important for parents to feel empowered, and to realize that what they’re asking for is supposed to already be being provided to their child. And again, it becomes their job to enforce that. And you can do so in a diplomatic way.

Anne Zachry 28:55

Exactly.

Catherine Michael 28:56

There are a lot of you know, yeah. And there are a lot of things you can do even outside of due process. But I don’t want parents to be afraid of due process.

Anne Zachry 29:03

Right.

Catherine Michael 29:03

And, I want to reframe their thinking on that topic.

Anne Zachry 29:07

I think that’s a really healthy perspective. I wish we could reframe the thinking of the folks from the school district who come in and deliberately try to make it toxic in those instances where they do. And you know, when it isn’t always that case, you’re right. I have been in situations where we’ve had to file for due process. And it’s almost one of these things where everybody in the IEP team knows that it was coming, and nobody’s surprised by it. And they’re waiting to see what happens. And it’s almost like the administration is hoping the parent will file because then they can go to the school board and say, “Look, now will you listen to me?” And because, sometimes it’s not that the department doesn’t want to do it, it’s that their hands are tied by, you know, whoever holds the purse strings, who’s not part of the IEP process, even though the team is the one vested with the authority to make those decisions. So, the politics that are going on behind the scenes become a toxifying effect. And …

Catherine Michael 29:59

Right.

Anne Zachry 29:59

… then you Have the attorneys that these individuals will hire and certain individuals, you know, birds of a feather flock together, and you’ll find people who are like minded in their view of these things. And I know that for from what I’ve seen the socioeconomic status of the community where the school district is, can have an influence over whether they will comply or not. In a school district where they don’t have the money to throw at lawyers, they’ll go ahead and pay for the service, they’re not going to fight over it …

Catherine Michael 30:27

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 30:27

… because they can’t afford to. But you get into an affluent community, especially when you’re talking Southern California where you got these little pockets of nouveau riche and their big McMansions. And they’re feeling all special because they have money and the school district people will tell them, “Oh, well, you don’t want to go through public special education services. That’s like a welfare service. You would do much better if you pay privately for the services yourself. You’ll get much better results than what we can give you because ours is publicly funded.” And so they play that …

Catherine Michael 30:58

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 30:58

… that mind trip on these wealthy parents whose identities are all wrapped up in their their newly accomplished wealth, and they play on that and these parents are taken for a ride, because then these parents are paying out of pocket hundreds of thousands of dollars for all of these specialists who were hovering, like vultures just waiting because they know it’s coming. So you’ve got, you know, you’ve got all of these parties that are financially invested in enabling that mechanism to play out the way that it does. And then you have parents who suddenly realize after, you know, they’ve broken the bank, and they don’t have all that money anymore, because it went all to private school and residential placement costs and things and to come to find out that they could have gotten all of that from the school district. But there’s …

Catherine Michael 31:40

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 31:40

… only a two year statute of limitations and they’ve been paying out of pocket for the last 10 years. And so not until they’re bankrupted by it that they realize the error in their judgment, and then they can’t go back and fully recover. And it just there’s all of these different games being played by people who seem to be similarly motivated to not serve, while taking public dollars to hold a public service position. And I think that this is as much a taxpayer issue as it is a parent issue, because like you said, we’ve already paid for these services to be provided. Those are our tax dollars. And in those are the laws that our Representatives passed in order to provide for these children. And yet, this is what we have instead. And so I think …

Catherine Michael 32:22

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 32:22

… that one of the parent advocates that I met a few years ago said she went up to Sacramento with a group of parents and sat down with state assembly members or state Senate, I’m not sure who all she met with. It was state officials, representatives. And said, you know, “When you take into account all of the people in California who have disabilities, and their immediate family members, like their parents, or you know, a spouse, do you consider them a constituency?” And he said, “No, the number is too small.” And she said, “Well, okay, what about all the people who are employed to support all of these people with disabilities and their families and their extended families? When you add all those people in, does that become a constituency to you?” And he said, “Yes …”

Catherine Michael 33:08

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 33:08

“… at that point, now you’re talking about a significant number of people.” And so what that really communicates is all of this divisiveness that we’ve been seeing in our culture where, you know, we’ve got people being pitted against each other for different ways of thinking about things and the things that make them unique from each other. And disability is no stranger to that experience. And what we’re starting to realize is that the people who are trying to divide us are a minority. And they’re easily identified, we all have a common group of individuals who are all trying to pit us against each other and turn us into special interest groups, when really we’re just the majority. And if we all …

Catherine Michael 33:49

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 33:49

… weave ourselves together and collectively advocate for each other, then we’re a constituency. And I think that …

Catherine Michael 33:57

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 33:57

… that is where we have to start thinking about these things now that it’s not, “Oh, my disability rights versus your LGBTQ+ rights.” It’s not my “My race rights versus your gender rights.” You know, it’s not a “versus.” It’s no, everybody. Everybody has equal rights. And that’s the whole point.

Catherine Michael 34:16

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 34:16

And so I think that our dialogue needs to shift in that direction. I know that I had this conversation in an IEP meeting the other day with a team, I had to file an OCR complaint. I’m like, “Look, this pandemic is not the apocalypse, you know? Zombies are not at the door.”

Catherine Michael 34:32

Right.

Anne Zachry 34:32

“Democracy has not fallen, the rule of law still applies. And at no point did public health usurp civil rights, they are equally important. So what are you guys gonna do?” And they’re just like “Uhhh!” because they don’t know. I mean, but they understood why I filed a complaint. They weren’t mad at me. They’re probably … they’re actually they’re like waiting to see what comes of it because maybe now they’ll be given permission to do their jobs. You know?

Catherine Michael 34:56

Right.

Anne Zachry 34:56

Nobody was angry about it. It was like “Okay, well, yeah,. That logically makes sense. We’ll just have to see what happens.” And so I’m not necessarily, in my situations … and of course, I have relationships with a lot of these people, because I see the same people in IEP meetings for different kids over the span of decades. So we all know each other. So it’s not like …

Catherine Michael 35:17

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 35:17

… you know, I’m going into a novel situation, and then some stranger coming in and telling them what to do. Because that can be, you know, people can become defensive and adversarial when that happens. So I have rapport, but, you know, even still, you know, the fact that I can say something like that, and everybody’s like, “Yeah, you know what, you’re right. We still are not empowered to do what you’re asking us to do.” And so that that, to me, is very frustrating, because I know that there’s people who want to do the right thing, and they can’t; they’re not being allowed to.

Catherine Michael 35:45

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 35:46

And I think that parents need to understand that too, that, you know, not everybody’s the enemy, but you got to be paying real close attention these days. I mean, would you agree, I mean, the parents just need to be …

Catherine Michael 35:56

I would.

Anne Zachry 35:56

… very discerning about who they can trust?

Catherine Michael 35:58

Well, absolutely. I think it’s, again, it’s being discerning. And it’s also it’s being educated as to what your child needs are, what you’re asking for. And then also, you know, again, understanding that you are going to be the only one who really has your child’s true best interests at heart. That’s not to say that there aren’t, you know, within school systems there are really dedicated teachers, dedicated administrators who are doing their very, very best to ensure children are being educated appropriately. But at the end of the day, and I don’t necessarily like that expression, but it really does come down to, you are always going to know your child best. And it is going to be up to you to enforce these laws.

Anne Zachry 36:43

Right.

Catherine Michael 36:43

You know, you may have a great teacher one year and not another. And again, the school’s interest isn’t going to be the same as yours, right? Theirs is going to be on their budgeting, the union, you know, everything going on, your interest is going to be on “Is my child getting an appropriate program?”

Anne Zachry 36:51

Exactly. Right. And, I mean, in terms of checks and balances, that’s why the parents are such an important part of the team, and are afforded so many rights and the protected right to meaningful parent participation and …

Catherine Michael 37:11

Right!

Anne Zachry 37:12

… informed consent. I mean, all of those privileges and rights are there, because that’s meant to be a check and balance against the rest of the system. And so, you know, if they if the parents are being bamboozled, and they are signing documents that they don’t actually understand, then those enforceable rights are not being honored. And, you know, it’s parents have to understand that they have recourse and they need to educate themselves as to what what that is.

Catherine Michael 37:36

Right.

Anne Zachry 37:36

And ask! I mean, my favorite thing is when parents say, “Okay, well, what are my rights under this circumstance?” and put it back on the school people … … to explain what their rights are, you know? And I think that that’s a good strategy, because it is the burden of the school district to explain to parents what their rights are. They’re supposed to be able to do that. And so you know, if they’ve put you the parent on the spot, the parents should feel comfortable saying, “Well, you know, what, I need to turn this around to put you on the spot for a minute, because I don’t understand my right. And I’m not sure what I can do here.” If you’re savvy enough to know, in some states, you know, how the rules play out are different. In California, all you have to do is give 24 hour written notice, minimum, and you can audio record your child’s IEP as a parent. You can’t video record, but you can audio record, and the school district can’t say no, but they also have to record as well so that there’s a backup copy. And you know …

Catherine Michael 37:42

Yes!

Anne Zachry 38:23

… just for authenticity reasons. So different states have different rules about audio recording, but, you know, I audio record every IEP meeting. One, because I have ADHD myself, and I don’t want to miss anything. And so it’s just a … it’s more of a safety net, because I very rarely have to go back and listen for …

Catherine Michael 38:23

Yeah. Yeah.

Anne Zachry 38:38

… my own account. But just to know that I can make me less anxious during the meeting, but also because, you know … … it ends up getting introduced into evidence if we do have to go to a due process hearing. And it’s been a very powerful tool.

Catherine Michael 38:44

Well, yeah. Right. And you can be clear as to what you asked for, why you asked for it, what the school’s response was.

Anne Zachry 38:58

Exactly,

Catherine Michael 38:59

I think that can be extremely helpful.

Anne Zachry 39:01

And if, you know, when you go into an IEP meeting and you do have the, you know, you’ve legally made it okay to audio record – given written notice or whatever is required – and you’re doing it lawfully, and then you go in and say, “I don’t understand my rights under the circumstance, please explain them to me,” and then the explanation they give you is either going to be a good one, or it’s going to be a bad one. And if it’s a bad one … … you know, the backup, you know, it’s like, “Okay, well, I didn’t get the right answer, but I got proof that they don’t know what they’re talking about. And I’m not crazy.” And so it becomes evidence and I think the parents and, certainly as an advocate, when I go into the to the IEP process, I’m trying to solve the problem for real in the moment but I’m also making the record along the way in case it doesn’t get resolved …

Catherine Michael 39:24

Yeah. Right.

Anne Zachry 39:28

… and so that by the time we arrive at due process, the trail … the evidence trail is clear. If when they say no their explanations are, you know, are whatever they are. And, going back to what you had said earlier about prior written notice one of the things that I’ve noticed out here is that I would say, a good third of the time when I get a prior written notice, in response to something I’ve submitted for a family, it won’t make a lick of sense. It will say prior written notice according to 300.503, blah, blah, blah …

Catherine Michael 40:14

Right.

Anne Zachry 40:14

… and have all that legalese at the top of it, and then they … it’s like a form and they’ll populate the form with a bunch of gibberish that’s just nonsense. It doesn’t even explain why they said, “No.” There’s no real explanation. I’m like, “Okay, well go ahead and make the record that this is what you’re sending out on a PWN form, and this is what you’re going to represent as PWN,” … because substantively, it is embarrassing. And just because you put “PWN” at the top, and you cite the code that you’re supposed to be following, the fact that you didn’t is reflected the document itself. And it just, it blows my mind what people will put into writing because they think they’re so clever. And it’s like, “Okay.” And so one of the things that I think is really valuable, that’s helpful for parents to know, too, is that the regulations, it’s 34 CFR section 300.320(a)(4) mandates the application of the peer reviewed research to the design and delivery of special education. When you have a bad IEP, you can say, “I want to understand the science that underpins this IEP. What peer reviewed research did you rely on to inform …”

Catherine Michael 40:34

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 41:20

… you know, and of course, they don’t have anything. And then when I ask for something specific, and I know, I can reasonably anticipate that they’re going to balk at it, because it’s something they’ve not done before. And it’s going to require them to create something new. I will cite the science that backs up the request that I am making and say specifically, the regulations require you to apply the peer reviewed research to the degree that it’s practicable. So if you’re not going to do this, when you send your prior written notice, please explain what it is about the science that is not practicable.

Catherine Michael 41:20

Yeah. Yeah.

Anne Zachry 41:23

And then they’re, they’re stumped, because they don’t know how to reply to that. And again, it goes back to the fact that they don’t actually have access to the peer reviewed research. I’ll go ahead and …

Catherine Michael 42:02

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 42:02

… spend $70 on an article just to make my point, because I can …

Catherine Michael 42:06

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 42:06

… you know, but I shouldn’t have to do that. And that’s the problem, is that we have this paywall between our educators and the science that would tell them what to do. And what is the politics behind that? Why is there a paywall between our educators and the research that will tell them how to teach our kids right? How is that not part of the public domain? Why do teachers not have access to that? And then, especially when you have a legal mandate that requires it, you know?

Catherine Michael 42:31

Oh yeah, and …

Anne Zachry 42:32

It blows my mind.

Catherine Michael 42:34

It goes to the fact that, yeah, that because the laws are not enforced, right? We’re just not seeing, for instance, when we look at health care, right, we have, you know, standards of care, best practices, we see checklists for everything with the doctors getting weekly reports on different new procedures, medications, right? We don’t see that in education, because, again, there’s so little penalty. We’re not seeing teachers, sort of, you know, given a weekly mailer, you know, here are some of the programs that we’re seeing coming out. Here are some of the best practices for working with a specific learning disability, you know, can you update off on how you’re implementing this in your classroom? We don’t see that because, again, there’s so little importance level. Yeah, I really haven’t felt the need to do that.

Anne Zachry 43:23

Yeah, well, and I’m thinking we’re overdue for a reauthorization of the IDEA. And one of the things that I would like to see in there is beefing up of that enforcement arm because they’re supposed to be what 10 year audits or something like that? That we have some kind of audit procedure in California that every once in a while somebody pulls the short straw and ends up getting audited. And of course, every time they go through there and examine all the IEPs, it’s just a disaster, but then nothing ever gets fixed.

Catherine Michael 43:48

Right.

Anne Zachry 43:48

And so it doesn’t change anything. It’s like, Oh, they just documented that it’s a disaster and moved on to the next one. And nothing got rectified. And we need to speak to that. I mean, is we’re looking at all of these broken systems that are just cracked open and expose raw and wide for the whole world to see now that there’s no covering up that our social programs are flawed, and that we need to overhaul them. And we need to bring them kicking and screaming into the 21st century with best practices and not just best practices in teaching, but in best practices in operational standards, and efficiency, and … … and security and privacy. And I know I worked in IT for a few years in these huge enterprise class computing environments like Walmart and Sanyo, and Volkswagen and all of these big huge computing environments, where you have these global wide area networks in these supply chain automated pieces. Back in the day, I’m talking like 25-30 years ago, this technology has been around for a long time. And if you look at the degrees of efficiency, and the cost savings and the reduction in overhead that is experienced by the industries that adopt all of this ISO standards and these automated supply chain things and and the internal and the way they automate their internal business operations, that California is starting to head in that direction with respect to individualized person centered planning. That there is a pilot program that’s being developed. And I don’t know when exactly it’s going to be deployed. But I know Ventura County as part of it, where, whether you’re Department of Rehab, or you’re special ed, or you’re county mental health, or you’re welfare, or you’re food stamps, or you’re Medicaid, or whatever, it’s one individualized plan, one caseworker, and your plan calls out to all the different funding sources. So the consumer is not having to chase after the funding, the funding is following the consumer through a single individualized plan, which is only common sense. But it was only achievable by marrying all of these computer systems together, that all of these disparate agencies were working autonomously with, and making them able to talk to each other. And so now we’re getting to the point where we can stitch all of our our computing resources together to create this inter woven supply chain so that we can streamline how we deliver public services and do it more cost effectively. But then what that also means is that there are no there are no dark shadows to hide in where funds can be misappropriated. There will be such a stringent degree of accountability that the cronyism and the back scratching that has gone on will no longer be enabled. It won’t be possible. And so that also will free up a lot of resources. And that is another aspect of increasing the efficiency and the fiscal responsibility of the system and the fiscal management of it. And so there are people who financially benefit from the system being antiquated and broken right now. And they don’t want those kinds of changes coming in. Because there goes all of their opportunities to exploit. We’re starting to see that public service is going through this transformation that private industry went through when this happened decades ago, as these technologies come in. And as the public pushes for a greater accountability. And as we repair and we overhaul our systems, we’re going to be using the most modern tools we have. And so I think that we can be encouraged that the future does hold a lot of potential for a lot of corrective action, and a lot of prevention of things like this happening again in the future. But we are not there yet. And I think it takes … it’s going to take all of us pushing for those reforms. Because as much as each parent needs to advocate for their child on a child by child basis, and not be afraid of the due process mechanisms, if that’s what it takes, you know, but not think that it’s like, you know, the panacea, like it’s going solve every problem, we also need to be pushing collectively as a community of people for reforms that will fix the system in a way where these are no longer the problems we have to deal with. And that we have to repair the broken system, not only on a kid by kid basis, but we also have to make it better than it was in the first place. And so that the next time catastrophe comes, we’re better prepared to roll with it. I mean, sadly enough, this was long overdue, where the system needed to be confronted on its failures. But I think that parents can take hope that we’re part of history right now we’re part of fixing it, we’re part of making this better for our kids with special needs, because all of its going to have to be reformed, we can’t just tape it back together and go back to the way it was. So I think that …

Catherine Michael 44:23

Yeah. Right.

Anne Zachry 44:54

… you know, there’s, there’s a lot of encouragement in what’s going on here, there’s a lot of opportunity, and we don’t need to be so terrified of the changes that are coming. And we need to really embrace them, because it’s our opportunity to make it better, I think. And it’s going to take people like you and me going in there and one kid at a time, you know, saying, “No, this is … these are the rules, and this is how they apply to this one child. And this is …” ” … the individualized program, and and the individual person matters. You know, it’s like every vote matters, every child matters. And whether that child has a disability or not, should not be a defining criteria of whether that individual matters or not, it shouldn’t even be a question.

Catherine Michael 48:39

Right! Yeah.

Anne Zachry 48:55

And so I think that what we’re doing is a very powerful thing. This is a very prescient area of civil rights law right now. And, you know, I think that, you know, regardless of how things play out with what other people do, what people like you and I are doing, we’re on the right side of history with this, you know? We’re enforcing civil rights. We’re …

Catherine Michael 49:13

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 49:13

… we’re enforcing democracy. It’s we are of the people, for the people by the people doing the work to make sure the people are protected. And I think that families need to understand that they’re not alone, that there are folks like that, like us out there. And we’re not that rare, you know, and the fact that you’re licensed in multiple states goes to the fact that you recognize the degree to which there’s not enough representation in some places, and that you’re making it …

Catherine Michael 49:36

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 49:36

… happen anyway. And so that’s really powerful. I think the parents need to … and I know that there are other attorneys who are licensed in multiple states as well. One of the attorneys I work with here in California is also licensed in Alaska. And let me tell you, going out into the middle of Alaska in the middle of nowhere … … and enforcing special ad law is not an easy thing to do. You’re coming in on a like a bush plane and landing in, you know, somebody field, you know, and going to a one room …

Catherine Michael 49:53

Yeah! Right.

Anne Zachry 50:04

… school house to say,” Okay, this kid needs speech and language. How are you gonna make it happen?” and they still got to do it. And so, you know …

Catherine Michael 50:09

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 50:09

… parents need to understand that even under the most bizarre and difficult circumstances it can be made to happen. There’s always a way.

Catherine Michael 50:17

Right.

Anne Zachry 50:17

You know, and that it’s not a hopeless situation. So I think that talking about this with you has been very enlightening and very encouraging. And I think that you’ve given us a lot of really good information. I do want to remind everybody that I’m going to include a link to your book with all of our, you know, the stuff below on the … because what we’ll do is we we do the podcast, but we also do a corresponding text only post …

Catherine Michael 50:39

Great!

Anne Zachry 50:40

That way, all the links for everything are embedded in the transcript …

Catherine Michael 50:44

Yeah.

Anne Zachry 50:44

… so we’ll have all of that and then …

Catherine Michael 50:47

Oh, that would be fantastic!

Anne Zachry 50:49

Yeah, and that way folks know how to get ahold of you. And this has been a really good discussion, I really appreciate you doing this with me.

Catherine Michael 50:56

You know, you’ve done a great job, as well, at trying to keep parents aware of their rights and helping them feel empowered. And I think that’s the biggest thing that they need to know is that they have a lot of power in their hands. They just need to know that there are lots of us on their side trying to help them along the way.

Anne Zachry 51:13

Right. And it means the world to us to be able to do it. It’s such an honor to be able to be part of making somebody’s life something that you know that they’re they’re happy and they’re fulfilled and they’re not living in misery …

Catherine Michael 51:26

Yes!

Anne Zachry 51:27

… or in crisis, you know, that that we can help people turn those kinds of corners with the kind of work that we do. I mean, it’s an honorable thing that we do and I’m proud of what we do. So thank you, and thank you for doing this and for sharing your information with us and hopefully we’ll get to do something like this with you again soon.

Catherine Michael 51:44

Yeah, I would love it. And thank you again, so much and for all that you do.

Fascist Trends in Special Education Non-Compliance

Photo credit: Gilbert Mercier

“Fascism” is a scary word that is far too often slung as an insult by people actively engaging in it who don’t understand what it actually is. In today’s post/podcast, I want to talk about what fascism actually is and how it shows up in all aspects of public agency functioning, but particularly how to recognize it in special education.

Unfortunately, these days, there are no better angels to appeal to within many public agencies, including public education agencies. It’s not that the entire barrel of apples is spoiled, but enough of it is that the good apples either leave or go bad, too.

Bureaucrats accustomed to gaming the system for their own financial gain at the expense of children with special needs have historically engaged in some pretty unscrupulous behaviors over the years, but they just could not resist the opportunity to exploit the pandemic to advance their self-serving agendas. They’ve become experts at seizing upon opportunities to escape/avoid their job responsibilities while still collecting their government paychecks.

For far too many individuals, employment in public service has become a form of welfare fraud, only public agency employees get more free government money and perks in exchange for nothing than actual welfare recipients, who have to perform for the pennies on the dollar they receive by comparison. In California, for example, the average special education director is paid around $125K per year plus benefits with support administrators each being paid around $100K per year at taxpayer expense, regardless of whether their students receive educational benefits or not.

So, how does that relate to fascism? And why is it such an inflammatory word when it simply describes a frame of thought?

My theory is that either the people who find the terms “fascist” and “fascism” inflammatory are engaging in fascist behaviors and don’t want to be called out on them, or they don’t actually understand what fascism is and that they are actively engaged in it, thereby simply taking it as an insult. So, before we start talking about the fascists that have been employed in local government over the last 100 years, lets first arrive at an understanding of what these terms actually mean.

Before we can talk about what fascism is, we first need to talk about what our democracy is supposed to be. The most basic summary of American democracy is that it is a system governed by the rule of law, which is created by legislators elected to represent the interests of their constituents wherein the majority rules. Being ruled by laws of which no one is above, rather than a dictator or an authoritarian regime, is an essential element of a democracy.

Another essential element of a democracy is the belief that every person, regardless of what makes them unique, is afforded equal rights under the law. The fact that we need laws like the IDEA, Section 504, and the ADA make clear that, if left to their own devices, our public schools cannot be trusted to afford equal rights to their students with special needs. They have to be regulated or they can devolve into little fascist regimes of their own, depending on the communities in which they are located.

The last 29+ years of working in this field has convinced me that even those laws are not enough. Fascists who have been within the system since before these laws were passed made these laws necessary in the first place to ensure that democracy is afforded to every child in the public education system. One of the most historically significant pieces of litigation in IDEA history is PARC v. Pennsylvania, in which it was determined that denying children with disabilities equal access to education is unconstitutional

The fact that our federal government has been kidnapping and locking up babies coming to our borders through the the legal asylum-seeking process with their parents speaks to the degree to which the rights of any child in this country are not honored in general, much less when children have disabilities. Recent feedback from the American Association of Pediatrics has described this conduct as institutionalized “child abuse.”  The American Federation of Teachers has called this conduct “crimes against humanity” (see https://youtu.be/3lMhuv3EXLI).

A government that disregards child welfare at all, much less to this degree is monstrous, hence today’s discussion of fascism.

fascism
[ˈfaSHˌizəm]

 
NOUN
fascism (noun)
  1. an authoritarian and nationalistic right-wing system of government and social organization.
    synonyms:
    authoritarianism Â· totalitarianism Â· dictatorship Â· despotism Â· autocracy Â· absolute rule Â· Nazism Â· rightism Â· militarism Â· nationalism Â· xenophobia Â· racism Â· anti-Semitism Â· chauvinism Â· jingoism Â· isolationism Â· neo-fascism Â· neo-Nazism Â· corporativism Â· corporatism Â· Hitlerism Â· Francoism Â· Falangism
    antonyms:

Source:  https://www.bing.com/search?q=fascism

So, basically, anything undemocratic is fascism. Denying children with disabilities equal access to education has already been determined to be unconstitutional. If it’s unconstitutional, is undemocratic. If it’s undemocratic, it’s fascist. Ergo, denying children with disabilities equal access to education is fascist.

Nazis are fascists. They do not believe that all people have equal rights and individuals with disabilities top their list of people who don’t deserve to live, much less be given equal access to anything. All fascism includes biases against other humans on the bases of observable physical traits and/or behaviors.

In Hitler’s Germany, it was the medical community that turned its back on individuals with disabilities, using science without ethics to justify mass killings and inhumane experimentation that were legitimized as “medical procedures.” After Hitler purged the country of somewhere between 6,000 and 7,000 Jewish doctors, more than 7% of all remaining German medical doctors joined the Nazi party, a much higher percentage than in the general population at that time. By 1942, more than half of Germany’s medical doctors and professionals with PhDs in related fields had joined the Nazi party.

Doctors working for Hitler’s Nazi State rather than patient welfare then embarked upon many of the most unethical human experiments conducted in modern history. Using Mendelian genetics to guide their decision-making processes, they saw extermination as the correct solution for developmental disabilities like Autism and Down’s Syndrome, which they regarded as genetic defects. This abandonment of the Hippocratic Oath to do no harm facilitated the Holocaust.

Murder and dismemberment in the name of science were visited upon every class of individuals captured by the Nazis, including people with disabilities, during the Holocaust. At the time, there were no international laws governing the behaviors of doctors. After the war, following the Nuremberg Trials, the Nuremberg Code was created in 1947, which established a set of research ethics for human experimentation.

In the early 1970s, when the special education and related civil rights laws were created, these ethical standards had long been established as a matter of law, but not necessarily common practice. The concept clearly did not generalize from the medical community to the education community, and much hell has been raised by school district officials and their lawyers about public education agencies not being liable for educational malpractice.

In my opinion, educational malpractice should be a criminal offense, complete with jail time and fines. Acts of unconstitutional conduct carried out under the color of public office cannot be tolerated in our democracy, whether we’re talking about extrajudicial killings by police or denials of a Free and Appropriate Public Education (FAPE) as a result of malice and/or neglect.

These laws only became necessary, and were finally enacted in the 1970s, because the intrinsic educational and civil rights of children with disabilities were being denied all over the United States. Professional ethical standards alone were not enough to protect students with special needs. Just as with the Nazi doctors and the Nuremberg Code, laws had to be created after the fact to hold people accountable for their unethical treatment of individuals with disabilities, including school-aged children, here in the United States.

The laws that protect students with disabilities have always been difficult to enforce. In no small part, this is because the fascists already employed within the public education system who viewed children with disabilities as second class citizens continued to undermine these laws from within their public education agencies after these laws passed.

As a more visible example of what I’m talking about, consider one of the most famous “Karens” in our social awareness, Kim Davis of Broward County, Kentucky. While she got elected to serve the public, taking an oath to abide by the rule of law and fully knowing that the Constitution requires a separation of church and state, she refused to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples following the landmark federal lawsuit Obergefell v. Hodges, because her religious beliefs require her to engage in discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

This is fascism. She denied equal Constitutional rights under the law, refused to abide by the rule of law, and abandoned the separation of church and state in favor of her religious beliefs, which clearly do not align with the Constitution or democracy in general. She then claimed that she was being persecuted for her religion when she was put in jail for refusing to do her government job according to the rule of law.

This kind of behavior has been going on since the laws that protect children with disabilities were passed in the 1970s through to today. And, now, we have the consequences of this pandemic impacting an already unconstitutionally dysfunctional system and exposing all of its flaws for the whole world to see.

The thing about hard times is it quickly reveals who the fascists are. They are the ones advocating for a return to the previous status quo in which they were the beneficiaries of inequities while actively denying the existence of the obvious inequities in our publicly funded systems.

It has become the norm that agencies created by our democratic rule of law and funded with taxpayer dollars routinely violate those laws and misappropriate those dollars at the expense of the very constituents these agencies were created and funded by the taxpayers to serve. This has to stop or democracy is truly dead in this country.

Such is often the case in special education, just as a matter of routine. But, now this pandemic has really shown everyone’s true colors and there is little that is beautiful to behold. Just as peaceful protests against police brutality are being met with more police brutality, parents advocating for remedies to address their children’s special needs are being met with more frequent and egregious violations now that the circumstances have changed in response to the pandemic.

Clearly, public safety is of paramount importance and I will never dispute that plain fact. But, public safety does not require the end of democracy, and I’m not talking about masks. Don’t be an idiot; wash your hands, wear a damn mask, and socially distance yourself from other people.

Public safety is equal in importance to the constitutional rights of children with disabilities, not greater. These children have a protected legal right to equal access to public education. Further, special education students have a protected right to individualized educational programs designed and delivered according to the peer-reviewed research (34 CFR Sec. 300.320(a)(4)).

Local government agencies performing according to their legal mandates is democracy in action. This pandemic is not so apocalyptical that certain classes of individuals suddenly cease to have legally protected rights. Fascism denies their rights, not a virus. Local education agencies refusing to perform according to their legal mandates is fascism in action.

Further, as I’ve previously reported here, none of the applicable federal laws have been waived as a result of the pandemic. States and local governments do not have the legal authority to waive the federal requirements; they can only describe with State law how the federal laws will be implemented within the State, and local education agencies can, at most, create policies about how they will individually comply with the State’s implementation requirements of the federal regulations.

No local school district has the legal authority to refuse to abide by the laws, particularly those that regulate its purpose and existence. Nothing could be more undemocratic – more fascist – than that.

And, yet, here we are with our most vulnerable children languishing and regressing developmentally with every passing moment because a bunch of “tax-fattened hyenas,” to quote the great Berke Breathed, saw fit to use the pandemic as an excuse to not expend public dollars on the members of the public for whom those dollars were intended, while continuing to collect six-figure annual salaries in exchange for nothing. This isn’t just a civil rights issue. Just like police reform, it’s a taxpayer issue.

What this pandemic has done, among other things, is expose every crack in every system throughout all our systems of governance. And, those cracks are the consequences of systemic non-compliance with regulatory mandates, as well as failures of those mandates to adequately describe courses of action that prevent non-compliance.

There is no proactive oversight of local education agency compliance with special education and related civil rights law; the burden falls to the shoulders of largely uninformed and/or unempowered parents to file complaints or litigate in order for the law to be enforced, which means it usually is not. It’s a matter of “When the cat is away, the mice will play.”

Without proactive oversight and enforcement, public agencies are adrift at sea, inventing their own ways of doing things while often unaware of their legal obligations. There is no real quality control in special education. There’s just school district lawyers who jump in after the train has already wrecked to argue that it really didn’t for ridiculous dollars per hour at taxpayer expense.

It’s one thing to point this stuff out. It’s another thing to do something about it. My thought process is that the IDEA is overdue for reauthorization. Presuming democracy is preserved with the upcoming election and we haven’t descended into dictatorship, there is going to be a lot of public agency and legal reform coming down the pike for the next 10 years, at least.

Historians, anthropologists, sociologists, and psychologists will all be looking at the last four years and what led up to the current state of affairs in our nation under a microscope for the next 100 years, at least. The data they will be generating will inform vast improvements to our social systems and create systems for ongoing improvement as our society evolves and encounters new challenges, so long as the rest of us make sure that happens.

Right now, one of the most powerful things that parents of children with special needs can do is vote for the candidates they believe will take action to make sure that our publicly funded government agencies actually perform according to the regulatory requirements and achieve the purposes for which they exist, including the application of valid science to the delivery of services intended to benefit the public good. Maybe then we can finally become the democracy we’re supposed to be.